By Robert Chazan
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Additional info for Ajs Review, 1991: Nos 1 and 2
The slow emergence of mhe2 in Palestine as observed by Moreshet'05 need not contradict this. Needless to say, more study is required before such a sweeping conclusion can be drawn. In particular, the extent to which the language of the Yerushalmi's baraitot reflects the development of Middle Hebrew must be determined. III To sum up, this passage would seem to have entered the Tosefta from Babylonia not earlier than the late fourth century, but its language and "condensed" form (as compared to its parallel Babylonian baraitot) belie that origin.
In any case, what medieval narrators depict is, by and large, a set of events. Whether one chooses to call these events "facts" or "deeds," they are the raw materials upon which the medieval narratives are based. Marcus's observations with respect to the editing process are clear. He argues for a high level of imaginative intervention. Marcus begins with these general observations and then proceeds to propose a specific "preconceived religious-literary schema" that explains many key features of the Hebrew First Crusade chronicles.
12. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade, p. 44. FACTICITY OF HEBREW FIRST CRUSADE NARRATIVES 37 cal and spiritualissues and to allay gnawingdoubts. They are meant to reassurethe Jewishreaderand, at the sametime,to presentJewishsupplications to the Deity. '3 The second section of the fifth chapter of European Jewry and the First Crusade is devoted to a more detailed look at the motivations that occasioned the Hebrew narratives. In that discussion, I continued to examine the possibility of serious distortion and concluded, once again, that, while the narratives were surely written to promote identifiable purposes, the authors/editors chose to remain rather faithful to their sources (and by extension to the realities) rather than to efface the reality in favor of some preexistent interpretative scheme.
Ajs Review, 1991: Nos 1 and 2 by Robert Chazan